050516  マクナマラ元国防長官の核兵器反対論 "Apocalypse Soon" (大破局 間近か)

 
北朝鮮の核実験の可能性に備えて、米軍が報復攻撃(北の核施設への直接爆撃を含む)の準備を進めているとの情報もあり、大分きな臭い空気が漂うようになってきました。まさかとは思いますが、日本も色々な可能性を想定して、心の準備をしておくべきでしょう(1964年10月、中国が最初の核実験をしたとき、日本人は東京オリンピックに熱中していて虚を突かれ、醜態を演じました)。
 
米国では、北朝鮮やイランを潰すため新型核兵器(ミニ核爆弾、地中貫通核爆弾=バンカーバスターなど)の開発を急ぐべし、そのための核実験再開を辞すべからずとの声が高まってきているようです。核軍縮と核不拡散を論ずるはずのNPT再検討会議も空転が続いております。広島、長崎から60周年の今年、皮肉にも核の恐怖は減少するどころか一段と高まっているように見えます。
 
一方で、このような状況を憂いて、真正面から米国の核兵器重視政策に異を唱えている人物がいます。40年前、ケネディ政権の国防長官として、キューバ・ミサイル危機やベトナム戦争を指揮したあのロバート・マクナマラ氏です。90歳近い高齢でいまなお矍鑠として核兵器反対の論陣を張っています。最近米国の高級外交専門誌Foreign Policyの5−6月号に"Apocalypse Soon" (大破局 間近か)と題する論文を書いていますので、一部をご紹介します。要するに、核兵器は非道徳、非合法、軍事的に不必要、かつ恐しく危険なものであり、偶発的、不注意な発射のリスクが非常に高いので、米国はいまこそ核兵器依存政策を放棄すべきである、ということです。ご参考まで。--KK
 
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    Apocalypse Soon
                                     Robert S. McNamara

(Robert McNamara is worried. He knows how close we've come. His counsel helped the Kennedy administration avert nuclear catastrophe during the Cuban Missile Crisis. Today, he believes the United States must no longer rely on nuclear weapons as a foreign-policy tool. To do so is immoral, illegal and dreadfully dangerous. )

It is time - well past time, in my view - for the United States to cease its Cold War-style reliance on nuclear weapons as a foreign-policy tool. At the risk of appearing simplistic and provocative, I would characterize current US nuclear weapons policy as immoral, illegal, militarily unnecessary, and dreadfully dangerous. The risk of an accidental or inadvertent nuclear launch is unacceptably high.

Far from reducing these risks, the Bush administration has signaled that it is committed to keeping the US nuclear arsenal as a mainstay of its military power - a commitment that is simultaneously eroding the international norms that have limited the spread of nuclear weapons and fissile materials for 50 years. Much of the current US nuclear policy has been in place since before I was secretary of defense, and it has only grown more dangerous and diplomatically destructive in the intervening years.

Today, the United States has deployed approximately 4,500 strategic, offensive nuclear warheads. Russia has roughly 3,800. The strategic forces of Britain, France, and China are considerably smaller, with 200?400 nuclear weapons in each state's arsenal. The new nuclear states of Pakistan and India have fewer than 100 weapons each. North Korea now claims to have developed nuclear weapons, and US intelligence agencies estimate that Pyongyang has enough fissile material for 2?8 bombs.

How destructive are these weapons? The average US warhead has a destructive power 20 times that of the Hiroshima bomb. Of the 8,000 active or operational US warheads, 2,000 are on hair-trigger alert, ready to be launched on 15 minutes' warning. How are these weapons to be used? The United States has never endorsed the policy of "no first use," not during my seven years as secretary or since. We have been and remain prepared to initiate the use of nuclear weapons - by the decision of one person, the president - against either a nuclear or nonnuclear enemy whenever we believe it is in our interest to do so. For decades, US nuclear forces have been sufficiently strong to absorb a first strike and then inflict "unacceptable" damage on an opponent. This has been and (so long as we face a nuclear-armed, potential adversary) must continue to be the foundation of our nuclear deterrent.

In my time as secretary of defense, the commander of the US Strategic Air Command (SAC) carried with him a secure telephone, no matter where he went, 24 hours a day, seven days a week, 365 days a year. The telephone of the commander, whose headquarters were in Omaha, Nebraska, was linked to the underground command post of the North American Defense Command, deep inside Cheyenne Mountain, in Colorado, and to the US president, wherever he happened to be. The president always had at hand nuclear release codes in the so-called football, a briefcase carried for the president at all times by a US military officer.

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